A Critical Evaluation of How Muslims Living in Britain Can be Both Essay

A Critical Evaluation of How Muslims Living in Britain Can be Both British and Muslim - Essay Example Issues of identity in Britain have largely centred on the concept of ‘otherness’. Muslims were considered ‘aliens’ in the 1950s and 1960s. The term ‘alien’ means otherness, and also means difference, threat, and inequality (Ahmad and Sardar, 2012: 2). Towards the latter part of the 20th century, cultural difference became very popular and otherness became the latest thing. Difference is no longer intimidating; and otherness today is valued for its commercial aspect, the exoticism and delight it could provide. Still, identity has been one of the most important concerns for Muslims living in Britain. Contrary to earlier thoughts on identity, which view it in quite permanent terms, the present belief is changeable and continuously influenced by the evolving environment. This essay critically evaluates how Muslims living in Britain can be both British and Muslim. This essay analyses the historical events, social and political aspects, and cultural f actors that contributed to the creation of a distinctive Muslim identity. The different features of identity class, ethnicity and religion are believed to be subjected to historical dynamics, and it is viewed as being continuously reinterpreted and recreated according to external and internal factors. The diverse and worldly characteristic of British society is believed to create various opposing identities. A large number of Muslims living in Britain have had to harmonise their religious and ethnic features at the individual and societal levels. All have been made difficult by drastic cultural and social transformation in the latter part of the 20th century, forcing them to adjust and compromise (Norcliffe, 2004). As the impact of the cultural and societal norms from which they came from on behaviour and beliefs has disappeared with the appearance of a bigger population of Muslims born and educated in Britain, they have become more and more integrated into the British society. Bein g British and Muslim A national narrative that includes Islamic history would allow Muslims, especially younger generations of Britain-born Muslims, to understand how much of their own traditions are an important aspect of British traditions. This would help present and future generations gain a strong identity as British Muslims. However, there is a much larger benefit to be gained from Britain’s acceptance of its Islamic influences and the acceptance by British Muslims that British traditions are an important aspect of Islamic culture. Diasporas have historically influenced Islamic societies. Even the Prophet Muhammad moved from his homeland; and the community he formed in Medina were shaped by a diaspora (Ahmed, 2012). The historical Islamic culture was formed not by Arabs but by groups from Africa, the India, and central Asia. The Abbasid caliphate, widely viewed as the high point of Islamic learning and wisdom, was the product of a diaspora. The autonomous Muslim states that were built in the 20th century, like Malaysia and Pakistan, were usually formed in Britain by a diaspora (Gould, 2011). British Muslims can take advantage of this history to change Islam, as well as Muslim societies across the globe. The British Muslim scholars consider Britain as a perfect site of change. The study of Waqar Ahmad shows that British Muslim scholars have a dream of a democratic and diverse Islam. There are major internal changes that reveal â€Å"the fruition of a tangible Muslim consciousness among Muslim communities† (Ahmad and Sardar, 2012: 8). Muslims adapt to socially created and faith-oriented identities, and carefully choose how they define themselves. They made use of British history to defend their status like on Islamic schools, they formed their public

High School and Selecting Main Ideas Essay Example for Free

High School and Selecting Main Ideas Essay My 3 highest scores are: Information Processing (85), Study Aids (95), and Time Management (60).The 3 areas I scored the lowest on are: Attitude (5), Motivation (5), and Selecting Main Ideas (20). Im going to work more on my attitude, because its important to me that I graduate and get the degree in the career that I want to purse, so that I can prove to all the people who told me that I wouldnt be nothing, or had doubt in me, because my parents didn’t finish High School, nor graduated. Motivation is probably one of the hardest one for me, because I’m a huge procrastinator, especially when it comes to math, which is the subject I dislike the most. I think if I’m motivated to do the math I will get better grades. I think it’s going to happen because Mr.Norrgran makes it interesting, he tends to joke around to wake us up if we’re not participating, or shows us little tricks so we can get the problem better. On Selecting Main Ideas, the reason why I got a 5 is because when writing notes down, I tend to write everything, even though it’s not needed. The reason why I do that is because to me, if I don’t write everything down, I always have this voice in the back of my head, â€Å"What if that word, sentence, vocabulary is in the test† something like that, so I feel better if I just write it ALL down, just in case it’s use full. I think it’s an OCD habit. At the end of the fall semester, I hope to have my attitude at 100, motivation 100, and main ideas 100, because I know that will make me a better student on achieving my goals, to prove to not only those who would shut me down, but to prove to myself.

Viability Of New Provinces History Essay

Viability Of New Provinces History Essay The first ideological state of the World; Pakistan since its independence in yr 1947 followed the concept for electing the members of legislature / parliaments till the time of West Pakistan felt insecure of retaining their seats in the parliament against the erstwhile East Pakistan counterparts. Foreseeing their imminent defeat in the then forthcoming elections, West Pakistan was declared a separate Unit and given more number of seats in the Parliament based on population ratio. The country, since then, has been the victim of personal / party conveniences rather than maintaining a cohesive national approach towards resolution of issues confronted by the nation from time to time. It does not need to be over emphasized that the country continues to face serious administrative and economic issue in the absence of viable and prudent administrative division. The need to have or not to have new provinces has always fell prey to the political and personal expediency rather than the vital n ational requirement. Over the past decades, power hubs and most of the development funds out of national / provincial budgets have been circulated / spent within the limited provincial / federal capital and selected places having direct bearings to personal reputation / comforts. This attitude, coupled with the media blitz, vested interests of non staged actors and administrative difficulty caused to the people of distant cities to approach the provincial capitals have the potential to intensify the sense of deprivation amongst the underprivileged populace of remote / less developed areas within each province. The existing state of deprivation can give further rise to the ethno-political and linguistic divide. The rapid population has only compounded the administrative and socio political affairs. Necessity of creation of the new provinces notwithstanding, it would have considerable economic concerns. The other school of thought considers that by improving the governance in existing administrative setups of divisions and districts, allocating sufficient development funds to immediately undertake major projects in deprived areas would do the trick. Apropos the above mentioned facts, the question of having or not having new provinces, along with its constitutional, political, structural, socio-economic and national implications needs to be thoroughly and dispassionately. Nexus to above, carryout a detailed analysis for the viability of new provinces vis-a-vis existing system, while suggesting a far-sighted way forward. SUB THEME In the recent years, ethnic and political problems have been on the increase in Pakistan. Amongst a host of factors, mal-governance and deteriorating economy situation are considered the major causes of the strife. Coupled with this, the role of religious parties and ethnic organizations has also come under severe criticism. The existing deteriorating conditions of the country and the state of deprivation amongst the masses, has further complicated the ethno-political and linguistic divide. The creation of new provinces would have considerable ethno-political concerns and will further aggravate the instability amongst the masses Government Institutions. Nexus to above, there is a need to carryout detailed viability for creation of new provinces on the basis of ethno-political structures of Pakistan. VIABILITY OF NEW PROVINCES IN PAKISTAN Intro 1. Pakistan was created on the basis of two nation theory. The only bond which connected the people from various regions and classes/casts was the religion. Both the states opted to adopt the Government of India act 1935, which was parliamentary in nature. Since creation Pakistan faced many difficulties and amongst them, promulgation of constitution was foremost. It was very imp due to two main reasons, 1st to give direction to the political forces of all regions and 2nd to give equal and rightful representation to all ethnic groups. After approval of 1st constitution, federal system of Government was chosen for Pakistan, with max autonomy to provinces in mind. Over a period of time, we kept on switching between democratic and martial law regimes, and virtually no one political system has been able to flourish. Resultantly this gave the worst set back of history to Pakistan in 1973. 2. Provincial structuring of Pakistan in its present shape based on linguistic diversity (Punjabi, Baluchi, Sindhi and Pakhtuns) as the factor of territorial equation was probably not kept in view at the time of independence. Thus administrative units were contrived with ethnic units keeping intact. This fact was realized in earlier timeframe and a system of one unit was introduced. However, that too failed and the present structure came into being as described in constitution of 1973. The issue has regained prominence on renaming of North West Frontier Province (NWFP) as Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) and the reaction in its Hazara Division. It gave added impetus to the demand of a separate province in southern parts of Punjab due to prevailing political wrangling of various parties for their vested interests, resurfacing the demand for Bhawalpur and Seraiki provinces since the break-up of one unit in 1970. The demands may set in motion trend for other provinces in rest of the country for which many proposals are already being trumpeted. However, there is a requirement to deliberate upon these proposals on ethno political basis for an ultimate decision in the national interest. Aim 3. To carryout in depth analysis for creation of new provinces on ethno political structural basis in Pakistan and proffer suitable way fwd for having more provinces. Sequence 4. Historical Perspective and Background Part 1 5. Arguments Far Against New Provinces Part 2 6. Analysis and Important Conclusions Part 3 7. Recommendations Part 4 PART- I HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE AND BACKGROUND Background of the Issue History of the issue under evaluation goes back to the time of creation of Pakistan when various princely states and territories formed part of Pakistan as separate entities within the new creation. The periodical changes hitherto in the status of these princely states and territories have given reasons to think for a possible change in the existing administrative structure / division of the country. The administrative units of Pakistan as of today are[update] derived from the administrative units inherited from British India. From independence in 1947 to 1971, Pakistan comprised two wings separated by 1600 kilometers of Indian Territory. The eastern wing comprised the single province of East Bengal. The western wing was formed from three full provinces i.e then NWFP, West Punjab and Sind, one Chief Commissioners Province (Baluchistan), thirteen princely states and parts of Kashmir. In 1948, the area around Karachi was separated from Sind Province to form the Federal Capital Territory. In 1950 name of West Punjab was changed to Punjab. The four princely states of southwest Pakistan formed the Baluchistan States Union in 1952. The One Unit policy was enforced in 1955, whereby the provinces and princely states of the western wing were merged to form the new province of West Pakistan with Lahore as the provincial capital. Simultaneously East Bengal was renamed as East Pakistan with Dhaka as the provincial capital. In 1960 the federal capital was moved from Karachi to Rawalpindi and then to Islamabad when it was completed, followed in 1961 by the merger of the Federal Capital Territory into West Pakistan. West Pakistan was dissolved in 1970 by President Yahya Khan and four new provinces were created. East Pakistan became independent in December 1971 as the new country of Bangladesh. In 1974 the last of the princely states (Hunza and Nagar) were finally abolished and their territory merged with the Gilgit Agency to form the Northern Areas and later as Gilgit Baltistan province. The Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) was formed from parts of Hazara, districts of Peshawar and Dera Ismail Khan in 1975. The status of the Islamabad area was changed to a capital territory in 1981. In 2010, the NWFP changed its name to KPK. This change of name regenerated the notion of creating more provinces in Pakistan on various factors and drivers. The present day Pakistans administrative units  [1]  is as under:-:- Ser Administrative Unit Population Area (Km ²) Population Density (Per Km ²) a. Baluchistan Province 4.8% 39.3% 18.9 b. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province 12.9% 8.5% 238.1 c. Punjab Province 53.7% 23.3% 358.5 d. Sindh Province 22.2% 16.0% 216 e. Islamabad Capital Territory 0.6% 0.1% 888.8 f. Federally Administered Tribal Areas 2.3% 3.1% 116.7 g. Azad Kashmir 2.2%[ 1.5% 223.6 h. Gilgit-Baltistan 1.3% 8.2% 24.8 Total 100% 100% 193.9 The issue of the creation of new provinces has become an ardent debate; it has started with the KPK (Hazara) and Punjab (Saraiki and Bahawalpur) but may not begin or end thereafter. While supporting the creation of new provinces may appear an easy way out for the politicians, it is going to be a difficult task to actually carve them out. Once the genie is out it will not be possible to force it back into the bottle. Like creation of new districts, addition of provinces would become a political appeasement tool in a run up to each election. At the end of the day, country is likely to end up having a provincial map very close to an existing administrative entity called Division.Pakistan-New-Provinces.jpg Political Structure of Pakistan Federal Form of Government and Implications on Provinces. Pakistan is a federation by constitution 1973. The 1st and foremost feature of the federalism is the existence of two sets of constitution including national / state and regional or provincial. Each is free to function within its own defined field. Various features of the federal system, which are its essence and clearly indicate our limitations, are as under:- It maintains a written constitution which establish the relationship between federations various elements. Division of powers between federation and various entities is on regional / territorial basis and written in law. It does not have some specific formula and every country has made it as per its own requirements. Federal system believes in de-centralized of powers. Common features including the existence of independent judiciary. It is an attempt in heterogeneous societies to promote coop and coordinated in the social, political, economy and administration fields as well as respect and accommodation of diversity for various constituent units. Certain factors which facilitate the smooth function of federalism including:- Units must share the sense of community. There should be no sharp inequality in size, resources and population. Equitable sharing of economy resources. Geographical contiguity. Democratic form of Government and greater decentralization. Political Populous Support in Various Provinces for Different Political Parties. The passage of 18th amendment and the change in the name of NWFP to KPK has arose a sense of deprivation in the people of Hazara which resulted in the sudden increase in the pace of the movement for the demand of Hazara province for which more than a dozen people lost their lives in April 2010 . In the same vain the Nawab of Bahawalpur paced up his demand for a separate province the Saraiky province seekers want to make two districts of KPK and 19 districts of Southern Punjab to make their province. Will it be possible in the light of current party position in Punjab assembly to acquire two third votes for the division of the province? Moreover The government that already have the blood of dozen innocent people of Hazara on its hands can be perceived to allow its two districts to be taken by someone else? All this shows that our motherland is going towards a series of constitutional, political ethnic and financial crisis, which are anticipated as the adverse effects of the creation of new provinces in Pakistan. Meanwhile the master stroke of the chief minister of Punjab (his statement of bifurcating Sindh) has further heated this political debate and has exposed many faces believing more in regionalism than in nationalism. Following have to be considered:- There will be a new debate of the division of revenues, new provincial consolidated funds should be created irrespective of the fact whether the newly created provinces are able to make their way or they will prove to be another liability on the federation. Let us say that the government admits to the demands of the new provinces, what will be the result? More ethnic movements will arise and different ethnicities will ask for separate province on the bases of their ethnicity, some pressure groups will press hard for the creation of new provinces that will severely undermine the already divided sense of nation hood. The creation of new provinces on the bases of ethnicity will be another blow to the already in questioned ideology of Pakistan. Moreover many Nawabs of the states (that exceeded to Pakistan after its independence) will follow the footsteps of Nawab of Bahawalpur that will create another dilemma. If the creation of new provinces will not result in the automatic improvement of the management, if the creation of more administrative units on ethnic lines is going to endanger the sense of nation hood, if more provinces cannot help in bridging the gulf between the ruler and the ruled and if the multiplication of the number of federating units is anticipated to create more constitutional problems that would require another 64 years to solve them then why this frenzy of the creation of new provinces in Pakistan has been created at the time when the land of pure is already in crises. Punjab its Political Dynamics with ref to Creation of Sarikistan Province. Alone Punjab accounts for over more than 50% of the population of the country while Balochistan which is having around 50% of the countrys whole area, is having only 5% of the population. With the movement of Hazara province and 18th amendment there come up a sudden demand for Sareiki Province including two districts of KPK and 19 districts of Punjab. There are three major political parties having different views:- PML (N). This party is not in favour of creation of provinces in Punjab, rather want to have broader consideration. Party wants to have more no of provinces on administration grounds and irrespective of the demands of people. PML (Q). It is an imp actor in this scene. It is in favour of separate province in the southern part of Punjab to capitalize on its popularity for political reasons. PPP. Again just to lower the popularity and Government of PML (N), they are in favor of creation of this province. Other Political Parities. Many small political parties such as MQM, Jamat-e-Islami and JUI does not have considerable influence due to less no of seats in provincial assembly. Change of Political Affiliations. Most of the MNAs keep on switching their political affiliations as per the popular sentiments. This is not for want of the betterment of people rather it is for self served future political benefits. This trend is more pronounced like once elections are nearing. PART-II ARGUMENTS FAR AGAINST NEW PROVINCES Proposals and Political Demands  [2]   There are many proposals for creation of more provinces in Pakistan. Whereas, each exponent has logic in support of the proposal, these require deliberation before taking a final decision in national interest. Besides many voices, most prominent are from Mr.Javaid Hashmi who is a renowned Seraiki politician in Multan, the largest city in the Seraiki belt. He has on previous occasions supported the creation of new provinces in order to improve governance quality and adm efficiency and had implied support for a Seraiki province. According to Hashmi, a province should be created which incl Multan and Bahawalpur, adding that in the future to solve problems Karachi, Lahore and Quetta could also be made into provinces  [3]  . The PML-N has approved in principle the formation of new provinces strictly on adm basis Summary of various proposals appeared in media is as fol  [4]  :- Proposal Exponent Motive Remarks Restoration of former Bahawalpur Province Muhammad Ali Durrani, PML(Q) Ijaz-ul-Haq (PML(Q) Political History Creation of Seraiki Province from Punjab PML (Q) and PPP Political Linguistic Creation of Hazara Province from KPK Hazara Province Political History Linguistic Creating more provinces from Punjab alone on history / linguistic basis Mr Ayaz Amir Linguistic Creating province from Sindh for Karachi and Hyderabad MQM (Initial Stance) Political Ethnic Creating more provinces on administrative grounds Mr Nawaz Sharif, PML(N) Salim Saifullah, PML (LM) Administrative Creating more provinces from all provinces PML (N) MNA Javed Hashmi, PML(N) Political Administration Case for new provinces is also based on the continuous neglect of the far flung areas by successive regimes and marginalization of people residing on peripheries of existing provinces in terms of economic development builds a strong case for creation of smaller units especially with the high population density in certain areas making the quality of service delivery by existing mechanisms poorer and poorer. In fact this panel feels that one major cause of poor governance is failure to create new provinces. As such the following points also merit attention:- Population Growth. The 180 million population with 60 million plus alone in Punjab demands creation of new provinces to develop the areas lagging behind current provincial headquarters / big cities in particular. Spatial Disparities. It is critical that the new provinces are created to remove spatial disparities, develop infrastructure; set up schools, colleges, hospitals. The creation of new provinces will allow the structured development of areas hitherto fore in a state of utter neglect due to lack of time out their urgent needs. Over Burdened Politicians / Bureaucrats. Paucity of time with elected representatives / bureaucrats to entertain issues confronting residents of peripheral areas. The creation of new provinces will speed up focused dev; dispel feelings of marginalization and deprivation by the people who have to wait for days in provincial capitals to get a hearing from the elected representatives and bureaucrats who are busy in the issues confronting mega cities like Karachi, Lahore and the unique law and order issues of Peshawar and Quetta. Comparative Study  [5]   India. In India, on the other hand language was used as a basis of provincial divisions. As such, India reorganized and created more provinces on the basis of language. In Pakistan, the governments in power felt that language was not an acceptable basis or legitimate source of identity and the creation of new provinces were continuously opposed. The criteria for new provinces on the basis of language were felt to be a potential cause of political destabilization. As such demand/creation of language-based provinces was considered as taboo. Apart from their core communities, these provinces contained large ethnic minorities, which retained provincial aspirations of their own, e.g. Pakhtuns in Balochistan, Mohajirs (Urdu speaking migrants from India) in Sindh, Siraiki-speakers in south Punjab and Hindko-speakers in the Hazara division of NWFP. More over in Pakistan there is a requirement for a two-third majority in the two houses of parliament to create a new province, along with consen t in the assembly of the provinces concerned. These requirements have made the creation of a new province extremely difficult. In contrast in India, a simple majority of the LokSabha is required while opinion of the state legislature has to be sought. USA. In case of USA, there are 50 states and each state has its own constitution, however, the federation has its control through a federal presidential form of government with the Congress and the Senate. Afghanistan. Afghanistan, our next door neighbour has 29 provinces for a population of about 28 million. The division of Afghanistan into provinces is based on ethnic and tribal affinities and these provinces are controlled by the ruler in Kabul historically. The ruler in Kabul always managed these provinces through the tribal hierarchy. Afghanistan has been subjected to revolutions, civil wars, insurgencies and invasions but the unity of Afghanistan remained intact due to large number of smaller provinces. Other Examples. While large unequal provinces are always prone to breed and fuel secessionist mind-sets, smaller provinces serve as a safety valve against such tendencies. Nigeria, facing religion-bases secessionist war in Biafra Region in 1960s solved this problem by forming smaller provinces. Most of the large and medium sized countries in todays world have divided themselves into smaller provinces or states as administrative units. Examples are:- China 34 provinces, India 28 states and seven union territories, Iran 30 provinces, Indonesia 33, Egypt 26, France 26, Germany 16, Nigeria 38, Philippines 80, Thailand 78, Turkey 81 and UK 114 counties. Looking at the systems of other developed and developing countries, we find ourselves a unique example of federation with almost no parallel anywhere in the world. No country, roughly equal to Pakistan geographical or population size, has so few and such large provinces  [6]  . In an unequal setup, no method of government will work. It is a system designed for paralysis which we are already experiencing. Rationale / Necessity  [7]  for Having New Provinces The neglect of the far flung areas and marginalization of people residing on peripherys of existing provinces in terms of economic development form a major necessity resulting in demand for more provinces. Other reasons are:- Exponential Growth. Pakistan is the sixth most populous country in the world. The exponential growth in population demands creation of new provinces to improve service delivery. Neglect of Peripheral Areas. Neglect of many parts due to attention to provincial capitals and big cities resulted in poor governance and said neglect of the peripheral areas by successive Governments. Removal of Disparities. Need to remove special disparities. Develop infrastructure; set up schools, colleges and hospitals. New Province creation likely to speed up focused development and dispels feeling of marginalization / deprivation. Opportunities for less Privileged. Creation of more provinces is thought to provide more opportunities for the less privileged classes. End of Dynasty based Politics. It may lead to ending dynasty-based politics in the country which on rise at the moment. Ease of Access. On administrative grounds to facilitate poor masses to have access to line departments close to their localities. Grass Roots Level Empowerment. Creating more provinces would empower people at grassroots level to facilitate the people at their doorsteps. Creative use of Ethnic Diversities. Unnatural unity tends to strengthen sub-identities and have often weakened the commitment to Pakistani identity. Ethnic diversities, being inerasable components of the human genome, cannot be cured and hence must be endured. In fact, must be celebrated and managed creatively. De-centralization of Power. De-centralization of power to the provinces is necessary. In a decentralized system, local representatives make local autonomous decisions towards achievement of its local goals aimed to culminate into national good. Governance improvement. Creation of more provinces may lead to possible improvement in governance. Enhancement of Unity of Nation. Splitting provinces into more compact, efficient and effective units has the benefit of reducing the importance of provinces, which interfere with the cohesion of the country as one nation. Adm, Log and Cultural Harmony. Once the country will be divided into more compact smaller units, than it will have positive effs. So more provinces are likely to ensure the smooth administrative, logistic and cultural harmony. Estb of the Writ of the State. Failure of the state to establish its writ in many parts of the country has created a situation where far-flung neglected populations are in danger of shifting their allegiances to the terrorists, extremists and criminals. Greater Homogeneity. Creation of more provinces will afford greater homogeneity. This homogeneity will benefit the country in overall progress. Reduction of Congestion in Big Cities. More provinces means more developed cities and all the population congestion towards Karachi, Lahore, Peshawar and Quetta will be reduced. Distribution of Resources. Distribution of provinces into more compact and smaller units, if coordinated and agreed will result into better distribution of resources. Pakistani Nationalism. It will give rise to Pakistani nationalism rather than Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashto or Balochi, if the division is not based on languages. Filtration of Bad Politicians. It probably will allow the politician to seriously work for their people once they dont have big brother Punjab to blame for deprivation and problems. Rationale / Necessity for Not Having New Provinces  [8]   There however are certain impediments which may hinder creation of more provinces. Details are as following:- Stress on Pakistani Nationhood. Fear of the stress that they may exert on the untested foundations of Pakistani nationhood. People were killed in rioting leading up to a mere change of name from NWFP to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Rise to Ethnicity. May give further rise to ethnicity. Creation of more provinces on the basis of ethnicity exacerbates the feeling of isolation. This is a self-destructive tendency. Creating new provinces may affect Pakistans unity like it did to Yugoslavia. Problem of Adm and Pol Realities. Ethnic aspirations cause problems to recognize administrative and political realities. Every ethnic aspiration does not justify a province. If the move to make new provinces catches roots, Pakistan would be de-novo decimated into several petty ethnic provinces. Equality of Geography and Population. The degree of equality of geographical and population sizes across provinces may not be a balanced one giving rise to problems of its own. Sindhi Nationalist Ideology. Sindhi nationalists strongly oppose division of Sindh. Economy Difficulties. Raising funds locally would be difficult particularly under the current not so healthy state of Pakistans economy. Size. There is no definition of correct size of a province or state. Division of Punjab. Punjab plays a major part in Pakistan politics and its division may not be accepted by influential politicians. Poor Institutions. Smaller provinces would have lesser human capital and civil society institutions and therefore might be susceptible to the problem of poorer institutions. Inter Provincial Struggle. The division of larger provinces may cause inter provincial struggle / friction for resource control. Balkanization. With uncontrolled increase in population growth, the country cannot be subjected to balkanization. Division of Balochistan. Pakhtun province carved out of Balochistan until the more sensitive Baloch grievances are resolved would be detrimental to Pakistans unity. However, the rationale for the creation of new provinces carries more weight due to the fact that development of areas which in the last sixty four years have been unable to show any tangible socio-economic development, the new provinces will enable them to generate their own resources, make their own decisions to address the years of neglect and lack of focus on areas away from the provincial Capitals and the big cities. PART-III OPTIONS AVAL AND ANALLYSIS Options and Analysis Above discussion straight away lead us to various options for creation of more provinces or for that matter more administrative units, which are mentioned as under:- Option-1. Declare the former administrative commensurate divisions as provinces. However, this would result in creation of over 30 provinces which in the present socio-economic and political circumstances is not viable option. Advantages Creation of more than 30 provinces. Creation of more minor administrative units. Well defined and establish boundaries. Non lingual and ethnic basis. Disadvantages More no of administrative units. More expenses. Viability of few administrative units with reference to bearing their own burden will be questionable. Distribution of resources amongst units will be difficult. Option-2. Popular option can be to create more provinces on the basis of cultural, ethnic and linguistic lines. However, such creation would have a negative impact on national cohesion. Advantages Societies will remain united as per their culture, ethnic and lingual lines. No cultural or ethnic or lingual dichotomies. Most political parties are expected to agree with that. Disadvantages Will give rise to ethnicity instead of national cohesion. Viability of few administrative units will be questionable. More expensive option. Boundary demarcation will be disputed. Option-3. Another option of creating new provinces is base

Hebrew Text And Fonts :: essays research papers

Hebrew Text and Fonts Today's written language is quickly becoming history. Just as the carved tablet has become a conversation piece in the archeologist's living room, the written language is quickly becoming as ancient as the dead sea scrolls. A new form of visual communication is taking over the entire world. Languages from across this widespread planet are now becoming more accessible to ever culture. As the pen and pencil begin to disappear into the history books, keyboards and monitors are making it easier for people to communicate in fast and effective ways. The text=hebrew">Hebrew Language has always been mysterious and bastardized, composed of ancient Greek and Egyptian symbol derivatives. The language eventually became independant, although it remains very mysterious, and is used mainly by the Israelites. Hebrew writing has now taken a new form , a form of which the English language has taken for many years. This new form called â€Å"type† is not new by any means, however, up until a few years ago, it was impossible to find a Hebrew Typeface on any word processing unite unless it was a specialized typewriter made in Jerusalem. The new Hebrew type has now been transformed into a computer compatible typeface found in two forms; script and print. The script form of the Hebrew type is equal to the commonly used italic form of the English typeface. Hebrew print form is a more linear and boxy form of the hebrew lettering. The Hebrew fonts and word processing software is easily downloadable to anyone though access to the internet. These programs are not compatible with English software but work on their own to allow for the ease of typing and

Radio And Television Advertising :: essays research papers

Radio and Television Advertising We are constantly surrounded by advertising. From bus stop benches to televsion commericals. Everywhere we lookd something is being advcertised. Two of the best ways to advertise are radio and television. These two mediums effect virtually everyone. Most of us listen to the radio or watch televison at some point each day. Because of this, many of us are able to remember products by the jingles or slogans that are used. An example of this is the slogan for Charmin tissue. Anytime you see Mr. Whipple you think of Charmin, and the slogan "Don't squeeze the Charmin." This type of advertising keeps the products in the mind of the consumer. Therefore, when the consumer goes to the market, he will reach for the Charmin. Before deciding which medium youshould advertise in, there are some questions you should ask yourself. The potenetial advertiser should know who they are, what they are selling and to whom they are selling it. When you advertise you should have a realistic profile of your customers. By defining yout target audience, you will be able to aim your advertisments at them. Therefore, a business should take the time to do some research and plan their adveritising strategies. For the small advertiser rafdio is the most effective mediom. It can reach a target audience and propl are likely to herar the advetissment more than once. Most prople spend a great deal of time listening to the radio. They listen while they are commuting to work, are at the office, and while communting home. Radios greatest advantage is mobility. It can and does go everywhere. Its weakness, which can also be viewed as a strength is that it sis limited to tow things, sound and silence. Radio also works on the power of suggestion and the imagination of the listener. Radio advertising rate are determiend by the size of the listening audience. The size os the audience is determined by polls, census data and surveys. Because radio has a lost of competition for its audience, the audience you are paying for is anticipated and potenetiol, it is not guaranteed. Audvertising in radio is bought in "spots." These spots can run form 10 seconds to 60 seconds. You have the option to choose when you would lke the spot to run and how many times you would like for it to run. If you choose prime rate, the spot will cost you more, however it is guaranteed to run at a certain time. Televeiosn is the strongest medium to advertise in and also the most expensive.

A personal opinion in favor of the trophy culture system of rewarding children regardless of performance Essay

Should kids receive an award just for participating? This question has become one of great debate in recent years following the rise of â€Å"Trophy Culture†, a system where children receive awards regardless of performance and get applauded for simply showing up.   Many parents argue that giving children awards even if they do not perform well promotes entitlement and teaches them to not try.   My thoughts on the matter were a little mixed before I did any research on the subject. As someone who has participated in track and cross-country for years, I have been a witness to Trophy Culture in many of the races I’ve competed in.   When I was a beginner runner, I rarely if ever placed in races, and was often still given a medal just for completing the course. Anyone who has taken part in a large-scale public race like â€Å"Race for the Cure† or the â€Å"Disneyland Marathon† knows what I am talking about, basically if you get across the finish line ev en if you’re hours behind the first place runner there will still be someone there putting a medal around your neck at the end.   When I was younger and slower, getting that medal was extremely exciting because I felt like even finishing 3 miles of running as an overweight 7th grader was a big accomplishment. And the girls who finished in the top 20 of the races typically got another medal on top of the participation one, meaning I still had something to strive towards, so lack of motivation was not a problem.   And as I’ve grown and improved in my running skills, the Trophy Culture that is extremely prevalent in the sport of running still does not bother me.   I could argue that getting up at 6:00 AM every morning over the summer and training my hardest, only to win a half marathon then get the exact same medal as the woman who finished last almost 2 hours after I am disheartening.   However, I believe that the â€Å"trophies† we get for accomplishing t hings like this are essentially meaningless, and the true reward is the feeling of triumph one gets when finishing something truly challenging. This feeling relates to the existence of â€Å"self-esteem†, or one’s overall evaluation of their worth as a person. Doing a difficult task well like performing excellently in a soccer game or acing a test are ways we can improve our self-esteem and feel better about ourselves.   This plays into our sense of self-efficacy, our belief inability to perform and succeed in tasks presented to us.   Some parents think that trophy culture is artificially inflating their children’s self-esteem and self-efficacy, making children think they are performing better than they actually are and allowing for them to almost â€Å"get stuck† in a mediocre performance because they have no reason to believe their performance is less than ideal. On the other side of the argument, there are parents who think that if we award children for completing sports seasons or specific events, we are teaching them â€Å"that it is worth keeping a commitment, that we value this† (Heffernan, 2015). A recent report from Real Sports With Bryant Gumble on HBO explored this problem. In the trailer for the show, he is seen interviewing a woman who says that giving trophies to everyone regardless of performance â€Å"sets the bar pretty low†, and she also makes the argument that she â€Å"wants kids to improve and be engaged in the process of improvement†, and she thinks without incentive this will never happen.   This perspective on the topic is one that made headline news when NFL linebacker James Harrison â€Å"took to Instagram announcing he would be sending back the trophies his sons, 6 and 8, received ‘until they earn a real trophy’†(Wallace, 2015).   In an article analyzing the different sides of the debate, Kelly Wallace from CNN points out that many experts side with those saying, â€Å"if you tell a kid they’re wonderful and they believe you, that’s not about healthy self-esteem, that’s about narcissism†. Lisa Heffernan, a contributor to NBC News TODAY, disagrees with this mindset. According to her, participation trophies â€Å"remind kids that they are part of something, and may help build enthusiasm to return for another season†. Another point she brings up is that â€Å"at a time when parents complain of escalating competition in youth sports, [trophies] remind kids that we value their effort, regardless of ability or results†.   Her words echo those of a writer by the name of John Kass, whose article in the Chicago Tribune includes a segment from his son who claims â€Å"What’s wrong with a participation trophy for kids? It makes them happy. They’re just 6 years old. Isn’t it good to be a kid, and happy, playing the game? They’re just kids.† Kass then goes on to explain that this conversation with his son made him realize participation trophies aren’t as bad as some people want us to believe, and â€Å"getting a participat ion trophy as a child didn’t make [his son] any less competitive†. After reading articles with opinions from both sides of the argument, I have come to the conclusion that my initial view of the topic has not changed: I still believe that Trophy Culture is not detrimental to the development of children’s self-esteem and people fighting to end a system that allows awards for participation are wasting their time.   Children need encouragement and support from their parent’s, coaches, and others to succeed and stay motivated in everything from sports to academics.   Trying to get rid of participation awards could very likely result in discouraged children.   Like John Kass’s son said in his discussion with his father, â€Å"What’s wrong with a participation trophy for kids? It makes them happy.† If giving participation trophies make kids happy and doesn’t harm anyone else, then the clear choice is to allow participation awards to continue in our society.    Works Cited Heffernan, Lisa. â€Å"In Defense of Participation Trophies: What They Taught My Son.† TODAY.com. N.p., 21 Aug. 2015. Web. 29 Apr. 2016. Kass, John. â€Å"Is Our ‘Trophy Culture’ Making Happy Losers?† Chicagotribune.com. Chicago Tribune, n.d. Web. 29 Apr. 2016. Wallace, Kelly. â€Å"Debate: Does Sports Participation Deserve a Trophy?† CNN. Cable News Network, n.d. Web. 29 Apr. 2016.

Has Devolution worked?

Abstract The purpose of this essay will be to consider whether the process of devolution in the United Kingdom since 1999 has been successful and consider some of the points of convergence and divergence, which have occurred in terms of policy development in the region, as well the impact which the austerity measures introduced by the Coalition government have had on Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. Introduction The process of devolution is one that can be considered as a response to widespread processes of restructuring in the forms of governance in the Western world and also a part of a global phenomenon (Rodriguez-Pose and Gill, 2005; Williams and Mooney, 2008; Keating et al. 2009). In the context of the UK, the process of devolution should be understood as the process of granting semi-autonomous legislative powers to the Scottish Parliament, the National Assembly of Wales and the Northern Ireland Assembly on behalf of the UK parliament (Gov.uk, 2013). Devolution in the UK specifically should be considered as a phenomenon of the political climate which existed in the second half of the 1990s. The process of devolution itself can be considered as an alternative to the policy adopted by successive Conservative governments in both Scotland and Wales (Trench, 2007). In addition, it was aimed to challenge the agenda set by more nationalist parties in the UK, whose political ideas and manifesto s gained popularity at the time (ibid.). Even though the newly established governing institutions had their predecessors in the past, which exercised similar legislative functions, the fact that they were now recognised as autonomous and sovereign was a major historical precedent (Rose, 1982). As a result of referendums taking place in September 1997 in Scotland and Wales, the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh National Assembly were established. In Northern Ireland, as a result of the signing of the Good Friday Agreement and following a national referendum in May 1998, the Northern Ireland Assembly was established (Birrell, 2009). In line with these developments in UK governance, the following essay will examine the impact which the process of devolution has had in terms of successful policy implementation. The impact of Devolution In the UK specifically, there are four different models of devolution, all reflecting the asymmetrical nature of the process and the different politics which characterise the different regions (Hazell, 2000). The Scottish parliament, for example, has a responsibility of developing policy in tackling the majority of domestic affairs without interference on behalf of the UK parliament. The Northern Ireland Assembly, on the other hand, has the capacity of passing legislation related to a wide range of issues; and the Welsh National Assembly has an elected assembly, which has been granted legislative powers following a referendum in 2011 (Gov.uk, 2013). In the rest of England outside London, where an elected mayor and assembly were established, the changes in administration were quite marginal and were reflected in the creation of Regional Development Agencies and unelected Regional Assemblies which have subsequently been abolished by the Conservative–Liberal Democratic Coalition Government. As this indicates, UK devolution is a process rather than an event (Shaw and MacKinnon, 2011). As a result of the implementation of UK devolution acts, the legislative competence over devolved matters and democratic representation and authority was transferred to the newly established devolved parliaments. Basing devolution on the functions previously exercised by the territorial departments served to reduce conflict over the distribution of powers and resources in the short-term, but at the expense of any long-term resolution of territorial imbalances and tensions (Jeffery, 2007). While Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland have their own devolved institutions, England is governed centrally by the UK parliament, meaning that UK and English political institutions have effectively become fused. One of the unique features of UK devolution is reflected in the limited autonomy of the regions to raise their own taxes and be responsible for their re-investment (Gov.uk, 2013). T his contrasts with many other devolved or federal states in which the national and sub-national tiers share responsibility for both the raising and distribution of revenue (MacKinnon, 2013). Arguably, this could have a negative impact on the overall performance of the devolved regions, as it puts them in a subordinate position to the UK parliament in terms of financing and self-sufficiency, a policy problem which in the occurrence of the global recession has affected all three of the devolved regions. Devolution has important repercussions for public policy (Greer, 2007; Greer, 2009; Jeffery 2007; Keating, 2002; Keating 2009). In effect, the process of devolution has allowed the newly established governments to design and implement policies which take into consideration the specific economic and social conditions of the regions, thereby presenting localised solution to localised problems (Jeffery 2002). Despite the differences which exist among the regions, some commonalities in pol icy development can also be observed, namely in the provision of health care and tackling public health problems. The common economic challenges, combined with a tight fiscal policy means that the convergence of healthcare politics in all the devolved regions are likely to the preserved for some time (Smith and Hellowell, 2012). With the ongoing debates of more financial independence of the regions, however, it appears more likely than not that in the near future a more pronounced divergence in healthcare policy could happen in the nearby future (ibid.). To summarise this section, the process of devolution can be considered a success, as it has enabled the devolved regions to take the initiative of developing and implementing tailored policy decisions which take into consideration the specific conditions and challenges which exist in every one of the regions, despite the austerity measures and the impact of the economic recession. Devolution has also brought with itself a political reconsideration and reprioritization equality and human-rights in compulsory-phase education and how these are promoted, following the government’s commitment to mainstreaming (Chaney, 2011). With the different dimensions which devolution has in the UK, it appears plausible that the priorities of one government will not necessarily coincide with the priorities of another government. Moreover, within the different contextual settings, it is more than likely that different definitions of equality will be used (ibid.). Although there is still a long way to go in terms of promoting equality and human rights, devolution in the long-term could be the ground upon which more equal societies could be built. However, this is a fragile and slow process, and which, despite the progress achieved in the previous phase, largely associated with the policy of the New Labour, has come under threat by the politics of the Coalition Government, as the next few paragraphs will show. The process of devolution can be characterised by two distinct phases (MacKinnon, 2013). The first phase of UK devolution between 1999 and 2007 was characterised by common Labour Party government at the devolved and UK levels, stable inter-government relations and substantial increases in public expenditure (ibid). Over the period, the budgets of the devolved governments rose substantially between 2001/2002 and 2009/2010, (61.5% in Scotland, 60% in Wales and 62.6% in Northern Ireland) as a result of spending decisions taken by the Labour Government in London (HM Treasury 2007; 2011, as cited in MacKinnon, 2013). A new phase of devolution and constitutional politics has become apparent since 2007, defined by three distinguishing features (Danson et al., 2012). First, nationalist parties entered into government in Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast in 2007 as either minority governments or coalition partners. Second, there is the changed context of UK politics following the defeat of Labour in 2010 and the formation of a Coalition Government between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats. Third, the economic context has changed radically following the financial crisis of 2007–2008 and the ensuing economic recession. In response, the Coalition Government adopted a programme for reducing public expenditure by ?81 billion by 2015–16, thereby eliminating the UK’s structural deficit (Lowndes and Pratchett, 2012: 23). This has meant that the introduction of austerity measures designed to address the UK’s budget deficit by the Coalition Government since 2010 has also had significant implications for the devolved governments, reducing their budgets and requiring them to administer cuts locally, although they have been vocal in their opposition to austerity and support of alternative policy approaches such as increased capital expenditure (McEwen, 2013). In this climate, the devolved governments have reaffirmed their commitment to social justice and solidarity (Scott and Mooney, 2009), with the Scottish Government, for instance, arguing that the UK Coalition Government’s welfare reform agenda threatens the social democratic values of ‘civic Scotland’ (McEwen, 2013). In summary, despite the fact that the process of devolution has been successful in several aspects, all associated with granting a certain level of autonomy to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, this could all prove in vain unless more revenue-raising responsibilities are given to the regions. Conclusion The aim of this essay was to review the impact which the process of devolution has had in the UK. As it was noted, the nature of UK devolution should be considered as a long-term evolving process, rather than a single even. Economic and political conditions have changed markedly since the establishment of the institutions in 1999, particularly in terms of changes of government at devolved and Westminster levels, the onset of recession from 2008 and the introduction of a new politics of austerity. The underlying asymmetries of UK devolution have become more pronounced with the tendency towards greater autonomy for Scotland and Wales contrasting with greater centralisation and the abolition of regional institutions in England. These contradictions raise some fundamental questions about the territorial integrity of the state and the possible dissolution of Britain (Nairn, 2003) in the context of the Scottish independence referendum which is to be held in September 2014. As this essay ha s demonstrated, the process of devolution has achieved some notable successes in terms of public health, education policy and promoting equality, though it is impossible to predict what the future might hold in terms of further developments. Bibliography Birrell, D. (2009). The impact of devolution on social policy. The Policy Press. Chaney, P. (2011). Education, equality and human rights: Exploring the impact of devolution in the UK. Critical Social Policy, 31(3), 431-453. Danson, M., MacLeod, G., & Mooney, G. (2012). Devolution and the shifting political economic geographies of the United Kingdom. Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy, 30(1), 1-9. Greer, S. (2007) ‘The fragile divergence machine: citizenship, policy divergence, and intergovernmental relations’ (pp. 136-159), in Trench, A. (ed.), Devolution and power in the United Kingdom. Manchester University Press. Greer, S. (ed.) (2009). Devolution and Social Citizenship in the UK. The Policy Press. Gov.uk (2013) Devolution of powers to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. Available at: https://www.gov.uk/devolution-of-powers-to-scotland-wales-and-northern-ireland Hazell, R. (Ed.). (2000). The state and the nations: the first year of devolution in the U nited Kingdom. Imprint Academic. HM Treasury (2007) Public expenditure statistical analyses 2007, Cm 7091. London: The Stationery Office. HM Treasury (2011) Public expenditure statistical analyses 2007, Cm 8104. 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Devolution, state restructuring and policy divergence in the UK. The Geographical Journal. doi: 10.1111/geoj.12057 McEwen, N. (2013) Independence and the territorial politics of welfare The David Hume Institute Research Paper No. 4/2013. Edinburgh: The David Hume Institute. Available at: http://www.scotlandfutureforum.org/assets/library/files/application/Research_Paper_4-McEwen.pdf Nairn, T. (2003). The break-up of Britain: crisis and neo-nationalism. Common Ground. Rodriguez?Pose, A., & Gill, N. (2005). On the ‘economic dividend’of devolution. Regional Studies, 39(4), 405-420. Rose, R. (1982). The Territorial Dimension in Government: Understanding the United Kingdom. Chatham House. Scott, G., & Mooney, G. (2009). Poverty and social justice in the devolved Sc otland: neoliberalism meets social democracy. Social Policy and Society, 3(4), 379-389. Shaw, J., & MacKinnon, D. (2011). Moving on with ‘filling in’Some thoughts on state restructuring after devolution. Area, 43(1), 23-30. 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